Queer New Scots? On migration, queerness and Scottish exceptionalism

Since the early 2000s, the Scottish Government has discursively positioned Scotland as a queer-friendly country with a progressive stance on LGBT+ rights. Beating the UK government to repeal the infamous section 28 in 2002, LGBT rights have remained high on the political agenda since, as evidenced by the introduction of family rights for same-sex couples, the mainstreaming of LGBT+ inclusive education and support for the Gender Recognition Reform (Scotland) Bill. At one point Scotland was rated ‘the most gay-friendly country in Europe’, consolidating a self-image of Scottish queer exceptionalism. This discursive exceptionalism is replicated in the Scottish Government’s stance on overseas migration. Migration is an area of policy ‘reserved’ for the UK government which has become increasingly restrictive, with the introduction of a points-based visa system for; attempts to reduce arrivals and increase deportations through a punitive approach known as the ‘hostile environment’; Brexit; and the ongoing overhaul of the asylum system. Yet the Scottish Government has generally emphasised the economic, social and demographic benefits of overseas migration to Scotland, mainstreaming the term ‘New Scots’ in official documents to refer to migrants of any nationality who have settled in Scotland. This chapter interrogates how discourses of Scottish exceptionalism play out in the experiences of queer ‘New Scots’, a highly diverse population, stratified along the lines of migration status, ‘race’, class, gender and nationality. Drawing on Lubhéid (2005, 2008) I interrogate the ‘commonsense’ narrative of queer migration as a journey from repression to liberation. I explore the discrepancies between the expectations and realities of queer migration, and ask to what extent queer migrants can benefit from greater legal protection of LGBT+ rights in Scotland.