Odprava kršitev skladenjskih otokov je pri odplakanju morda zgolj navidezna
Abstract
Sluicing, which is typically understood as a process that involves wh-movement followed by TP ellipsis, is widely assumed to fix island violations. Languages that allow multiple wh-fronting typically also allow multiple sluicing, but multiple sluicing—despite being so readily available—fails to preserve all properties typically associated with sluicing. Specifically, repair of island violations turns out to be very restricted in multiple sluicing constructions. In this paper we put forth a series of cases where multiple sluicing fails to fix island violations and argue that this is best explained if we simply discard the idea that island violations can be fixed in sluicing. We claim that the deleted TP does not need to be an exact copy of the antecedent clause and discuss a couple of ideas that have been proposed to explain various non-typical sluicing phenomena.
Fields of Study & Subjects
Syntax
Semantics
Linguistic Variation
Neurobiology of Language and Bilingualism
Language Development and Disorders
Publication details
- Journal / source
- RUNG
- Publication date
- 8 January 2026
- Language
- EN